Wednesday, October 30, 2019

Business the Richard Branson Way Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Business the Richard Branson Way - Assignment Example The paper tells that Branson delegates the duty to his management staff and inspires innovation and meaningful change in the Virgin Group. The leader is approachable and accords time to everyone in the group despite being the head of many ventures. Branson influences and motivates the workforce in his group through the power of personality. The leader spurs others into action and raises the morale of the Virgin Group. Transformational leaders create an environment for others to apply the innovative skills in solving problems and developing competitive products and services. The motivated workforce and the innovative ideas have facilitated the expansion of the Virgin Group to take a strong position in the marketplace. Branson works in consultation with the management team, especially during the formative stages of a new venture. After the venture peaks, Richard Branson gives the management and the subordinate workforce the space to implement viable ideas to run the enterprise. Branson does not practice the hierarchical organizational structure. Transformational leadership style believes in the distinct set of skills that every member of workforce possesses can drive organizations to achieve success. In essence, Branson promotes teamwork. Transformational leadership style holds that leaders in the organization should realize that leadership does not imply to the positions or titles. Rather, leadership entails an interactive process between the leaders and the followers. The character is a strong foundation of the leadership, and Richard Branson has maintained charismatic attributes since the foundation of the Virgin Group. The transformational leaders should motivate and inspire their followers through assisting them to achieve the best results in different tasks within the organizations.

Sunday, October 27, 2019

Family Law Answers to Problem Questions

Family Law Answers to Problem Questions Family Law Introduction The law of divorce is governed under the Matrimonial Causes Act 1973 where it provides the sole ground for divorce, namely that the marriage between Jason and Sandra has broken down irretrievably.[1] Nevertheless, in order to establish irretrievable breakdown, Jason will have to show that one of the five facts listed in section 1(2) of the MCA 1973 has been established on proof (Richards v Richards)[2]. Meanwhile, it is notably that the court in England and Wales is given a wide power in determining the arrangement of children between the Jason and Sandra. Since Jason and Sandra are married, they both have parental responsibility for Joyce and Tom[3]. Their parent responsibilities will not be terminated even if the court grants them a decree of divorce. By virtue of CA 1989, the focus is on the welfares of the children[4] and thus the welfare checklist set out in section 1(3) of CA 1989 will be taken into account by the court in deciding whether to grant share residence to Jason and Sandra and to limit Sandra’s contact with Joyce and Tom. Divorce between Jason and Sandra Since the marriage between Jason and Sandra has lasted seven years, Jason is not restricted by the absolute bar on the presenting of petition for divorce within one year of marriage imposed by section 3(1) of the MCA 1973. Jason is allowed to petition for divorce if he is able to establish one of the five facts set out in section 1(2) of the MCA 1973. Adultery and Intolerability: section 1(2)(a) The first possible fact that Jason would rely on is that if adultery and intolerability contained in section 1(2)(a) of MCA 1973. In order to successful in this claim, Jason would have to show that Sandra has committed adultery and he finds it intolerable with her. In Dennis v Dennis[5], adultery is defined as a voluntary act of sexual intercourse between Sandra and another person who is of the opposite sex. On the fact, Jason’s brother saw Sandra and Craig having dinner at a local restaurant and then leaving the restaurant together late at night, holding hands and getting into the car. According to Sapsford v Sapsford[6], It is unlikely that this incident is sufficient to constitute a ground of adultery as there is no evidence of sexual intercourse between Sandra and Craig. However, following the case of Farnham v Farnham[7], Jason would want to raise a rebuttable presumption that Sandra has committed sexual intercourse with Craig by using the circumstantial evidence of incli nation and opportunity. However, it is unlikely this claim will be successful as the circumstances does not in any sense suggest that Sandra and Craig have indulged in sexual intercourse. Further, it must be noted that, adultery is a serious accusation to make and thus the courts have always insisted on strong evidence to allow such accusation.[8] Even if adultery can be established, Jason would have to show that he finds it intolerable to live with Sandra while the intolerability need not follow from Sandra’s adultery (Clearly v Clealy)[9]. According to Goodrich v Goodrich[10], the intolerability test is to be accessed subjectively and thus Jason could rely on the fact that he cannot cope with Sandra’s increasingly volatile behaviour and claims that it is intolerable to live with Sandra. Unreasonable Behaviour: section 1(2)(b) A more realistic option for Jason is section 1(2)(b) of MCA 1973, where it provides that Jason can rely on the ground of ‘unreasonable behaviour’ if he can establish that Sandra’s behaviour is such that it is unreasonable for him to continue living with her. According to Livingstone- Stallard[11], the focus is not on the gravity of the behaviour per se but on its impact on Jason. Following O’Neill v O’Neill[12], the test under s.1(2) is to be accessed both objectively and subjectively, the objective aspect concerns whether Jason is reasonably expected to stay with Sandra , while the subjective part takes into account the personalities of Jason and Sandra. Since we are told that Sandra’s behaviour becomes increasingly volatile, the chance that Jason will succeed in this claim would increase. It is likely that Sandra’s unreasonable behaviour can be established, it is then necessary to look at the character of Jason and Sandra and decide whether they can be expected to stay together reasonably (Ash v Ash)[13]. It can be pointed out that Sandra is having an adulterous relationship with Craig and this it might not be reasonable to expect Jason to live with her. At this point, it is arguable that the court will grant a decree of divorce on the ground of s.1(2)(b) based on Sandra’s behaviour that makes Jason cannot be reasonably expected to stay with her. Arrangements in relation with Joyce and Tom By virtue of section 2(1) of CA 1989, both Jason and Sandra owe parent responsibilities toward Joyce and Tom. Such responsibility is defined in section 3(1) as ‘all rights, duties, powers and responsibilities and authority which by law a parent of a child has in relation to the child and its property’. This right continue even after Jason and Sandra divorce. Nevertheless, under section 1(5) if CA 1989, Jason and Sandra are required to file a statement of arrangements for the children, detailing the measures that have been resolved between them and also the unresolved issues. On the facts, there are two issues to be considered in regards with Joyce and Tom: who should the children stay with and the extent of Sandra’s contact with the children. In regards with these unresolved issues, the court is able to make the child arrangements order under section 12 of the Children and Families Act 2014 which replaces the orders previously knowns as residence orders and contact orders contained in section 8 of Children Act 1989. The change of terminology supposed to move away from emphasis of ‘resident’ and ‘non-resident’ parent and shift the focus onto the children’s welfare[14]. In the other words, the court will take into account the welfare checklist set out in section 1(3) of the CA 1989. The Welfare checklist includes the ascertainable wishes feelings of Joyce and Tom; their physical, emotional and educational needs; the likely effect on Joyce and Tom in their circumstances; Joyce and Tom’s ages, sex, backgrounds and other relevant characteristics; any harm which they have suffered or are at risk of suffering; and how capable Jason and Sandra and Craig are meeting Joyce and Tom’s needs. We are told that Joyce is five years old and Tom is at an age of three. They are still young and might not be able to express their true wishes and feelings with regards to the issue of residence and contact and thus it is unlikely that the court will give weight to their wishes (Stewart v Stewart)[15]. In regards with their needs, even though there no presumption that a child’s emotional and physical needs are best met by the mother, the case law has showed a preference for keeping young children with their mother [Re S (a minor) (Custody)][16]. However, in Re H (A Minor)[17], it was held that the time has changed and that many fathers were as capable as mother of looking after small children and this may lead to a decision that in favour of Jason. Further, the facts that Sandra is under depression and her plan to move in with Craig, who is also has anger management issues will be taken into consideration under section 1(3)(e) by the court. Lastly, the capabilities of Jason a nd Sandra in meeting Joyce and Tom’s needs will be considered as well. Here, it is likely that Jason would have a good chance of obtaining a residence order as the facts that Sandra and Craig is starting a new relationship and there is no evidence that Craig seems to fit the stereotype of the replacement father. However, even if the court grants a residence order in favour of Jason, the parental responsibility of Sandra towards Joyce and Tom will not be terminated. According to Re R (A Minor)(Contact), Sandra will be granted a generous contact with Joyce and Tom because the court is on the view that ‘it is a right of a child to have a relationship with both parents wherever possible’.[18] The fact that both Sandra and Craig are under anger management course will deny Jason’s claim that Sandra has a mental condition that makes her inappropriate to be in contact with Joyce and Tom. (1500 words) Part 2 Introduction In 1956, the concept of no-fault divorce was first put forward by the Morton Commission in their report on the basis that the divorce law prior to that date has encouraged acrimony between the parties.[19] Such approach was taken by a series of Law Commission reports and led to the Introduction of Divorce Act 1969, which was later consolidated to the legal provision in use today, namely the Matrimonial Causes Act 1973. Section 1(1) of MCA 1973 provides that irretrievable breakdown of marriage is the only ground for divorce and this can only be established if one of the five facts listed in section 1(2) of the MCA 1973. There are two no fault facts that can be relied to establish divorce, namely the two years’ separation with the respondent’s consent to the divorce [section 1(2)(d)] and the five years’ separation [section 1(2)(e)]. However, the facts that the number of petition under these no-fault facts are much lesser than the fault facts of adultery [section 1( 2)(a)] and unreasonable behaviour [section 1(2)(b)] raises a question that whether the law of divorce in England and Wales can really be described as one of ‘no-fault’? This essay will argue that identifying who is at ‘fault’ is still very much a feature of the divorce system in Wales and such element can be proved decisive in determining issues such as division of financial assets, child contact and residence. Such approach was also put forward by John Eekelaar that the law that the current law of divorce is ‘deeply corrupting by the law itself’ as the individuals are prevented from accessing to their legal rights conferred on them by law.[20] Application of ‘no-fault’ divorce In order to obtain a speedy divorce, it is more likely that the parties to a relationship would be more willing to rely on fault- based divorce. The courts have taken a strict approach in allowing a non-fault divorce and the degree of separation does not limit to the normal notion of physical contact but it also involves mental element. For instance, in Mouncer v Mouncer, regardless the facts that the parties were slept in separate bedrooms, it was held that they were living apart as they continued to spend time with their children together.[21] At this point, it can be concluded that the law has failed to provide an effective method of no-fault divorce and this forces the party to a relationship to initiate a divorce claim by alleging fault on the part of the other party. In the other words, the law has failed to fulfil its original objective that to enable the parties of a marriage to end their relationship with minimum bitterness and hostility. Fault remains as an important exists that dominate the law of divorce in England and Wales today. Despite its decisive role in establishing a ground for divorce, the courts have also emphasised ‘fault’ of the parties in determining the consequences of a relationship breakdown. Division of financial assets and Child contact and residence According to Thorpe J in Dart v Dart, the court are given wide discretion to make orders which suits the needs of individual cases, albeit guided by the various factors set out in the statutory framework. With regards to the financial distribution on marriage breakdown, section 25(1) of the MCA 1973 required the court to take into account to all circumstance of the case, whereby section 25(2)(g) provides that the conduct of the parties is one of the factors that should be considered. Even though, it is arguably that the introduction of no-fault divorce by MCA 1973 reduced the significance of fault in determining the distribution of property, but by reviewing the case law, the outcome of the reform is somehow disappointing. In K v K, the court held that the husband was not entitled to his wife’s assets due to the facts that he had sexually abused his wife’s grandchildren.[22] Also, in H v H (Financial Relief: Attempted Murder as conduct), the wife was given a greater pri ority in the financial distribution because the husband had attacker her with knives and was convicted of attempted murder.[23] It is apparent that the fact that a spouse has behaved very badly will inevitably affect his or her entitlement to a greater priority in the financial distribution, and this encourages further animosity between the parties. As a result, section 25(2)(g) was highly criticised as it undermines the aim of the law to remove incentive to make allegations of fault in order to divorce peacefully. On the other hand, it must be noted that, by virtue of section 2(1) of Children Act 1989, the parental responsibility of the parties remains even after divorce. In determining the issue in relation to child contact and residence, the welfare checklist set out in section 1(3) of CA 1989 plays a prominent role in the decision making. Within the checklist, there is no reference to the ‘fault’ element at the part of the parents, but the courts are tend to grant the relevant order in favour of the ‘innocent’ parent with the conception that it will be the children’s best interest not to stay or even in contact with the ‘fault’ parent, particularly in the cases of domestic violence. Conclusion In conclusion, it is undeniably that the approach to divorce in England and Wales cannot be described as one of ‘no-fault’ as the ‘fault’ element is still playing a prominent role in relation with the issues of divorce and its consequences. Nevertheless, we are not arguing a reform towards a purely no-fault divorce because, as according to Deech, this will give too much freedom to the individual and give them a wrongful thought that divorce something can be obtained easily.[24] Instead, we are saying that the system of divorce should be balanced between a mixed mechanism with both ‘fault’ and ‘no-fault’ ground for divorce[25] but not letting the ‘fault’ feature dominate the whole system alone. (1041 words) Bibliography Table of Cases Ash v Ash [1972] 1 All ER 582 Clearly v Clealy [1974] 1 All ER 498 Dennis v Dennis [1955] P 153 Farnham v Farnham [1925] 133 LT 320 Goodrich v Goodrich [1971] 2 All ER 1340 H (A Minor), Re (1980) 2 FLR 253 H v H (Financial Relief: Attempted Murder as conduct) [2006] 1 FLR 990 K v K [2010] EWCA Civ 125 Livingstone- Stallard v Livingstone- Stallard [1974] Fam 47 Mouncer v Mouncer [1972] 115 SJ 327 O’Neill v O’Neill [1975] 1 WLR 1118 R (A Minor)(Contact), Re [1993] 2 FLR 762 Richards v Richards [1972] WLR 1073 S (a minor) (Custody), Re [1991] 2 FLR 388 Sapsford v Sapsford [1954] P 394 Serio v Serio (1983) 4 FLR 756 Stewart v Stewart [1973] 1 Fam 107 Table of Legislation Children Act 1989, s.1 Children Act 1989, s.2 Children Act 1989, s.3 Children Act 1989, s.8 Children and Families Act 2014, s.12 Matrimonial Causes Act 1973, s. 1 Matrimonial Causes Act 1973, s. 3 Matrimonial Causes Act 1973, s. 25 Secondary Sources Books Gilmore S and Glennon L, Hayes and Williams’ Family Law (4th edn, OUP 2014) Articles Deech R, ‘Divorce- A Disaster?’ [2009] FLR 1048 Eekelaar J, ‘Family Law- Keeping us â€Å"On Message†Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ [1999] CFLQ 387 Law Commission, Family Law: The Ground for Divorce (Law Com No 192) [1] Matrimonial Causes Act, s.1(1). [2] [1972] WLR 1073. [3] Children Act 1989, s.2(1). [4] Ibid, s.1. [5] [1955] P 153. [6] [1954] P 394. [7] [1925] 133 LT 320. [8] Serio v Serio (1983) 4 FLR 756. [9] [1974] 1 All ER 498. [10] [1971] 2 All ER 1340. [11] [1974] Fam 47. [12] [1975] 1 WLR 1118. [13] [1972] 1 All ER 582. [14] Children Act 1989, s.1(1). [15] [1973] 1 Fam 107. [16] [1991] 2 FLR 388. [17] (1980) 2 FLR 253. [18] [1993] 2 FLR 762, Butler- Sloss LJ. [19] Royal Commission on Marriage and Divorce (Cmd 9878, 1956). [20] John Eekelaar, ‘Family Law- Keeping us â€Å"On Message†Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ [1999] CFLQ 387. [21] [1972] 115 SJ 327. [22] [2010] EWCA Civ 125. [23] [2006] 1 FLR 990. [24] Ruth Deech, ‘Divorce- A Disaster?’ [2009] FLR 1048. [25] Law Commission, Family Law: The Ground for Divorce (Law Com No 192).

Friday, October 25, 2019

Meditation :: essays research papers

  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  My Personal Meditation   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  I was very skeptical and cautious about the lesson on meditation. A few years back I had taken a course on relaxation, which I had found to be only somewhat helpful. I was hoping to find another alternative to calm myself and release the stress. Although I became disbelieving of meditation-I was proved wrong.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  After you told us to close our eyes, I had a hard time falling into the meditation. At first I felt uncomfortable and distressed. Thoughts kept revolving in my head and I could not get myself to let free. I wondered whether or not the never-ending gibberish you kept repeating was annoying anyone else. I was astonished at how long you kept repeating yourself without tiring.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  After a while I found my own method and it had worked for me. Instead of listening to your words (which I became annoyed with) I blocked out every noise, word, racket the surrounded the room. I completely tuned out from reality and fell into the meditation.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  I did not realize that I had fallen into the meditation until after I came out of it. I felt like I had detached from my body and floated away. My mind was completely relaxed and blank. Nothing like I pictured it to be. I just felt NOTHING! No noise, no thoughts, I felt at peace with myself. It was hard for me to come out from the meditation because I had forced myself to block everything out and did not hear when you told us to open our eyes. Overall, it was a great experience and I found that it had relaxed me a great deal. However, I did not gain energy as you had so explained to us. I became very sleepy and peaceful. The only problem was that I had to go to work right after class. I work at a law firm, and being so relaxed did not help me at work.

Thursday, October 24, 2019

How Does the “Cha Chaan Teng” Essay

Hong Kong identity is a complicated issue and many different perspectives have to be taken into consideration in order to study this issue. This paper mainly focuses on the cultural perspective of the Hong Kong identity. Hall.S (2000) â€Å"identities are never unified and, in late modern times, increasingly fragmented and fractured; never singular but multiply constructed across different, often intersecting and antagonistic, discourses, practices, and positions.† This implies identity is regarded as a shared culture in Hong Kong. Most Hong Kong people think that †Cha Chaan Teng† is an important feature of Hong Kong’s lifestyle. In other words, it is an important part of Hong Kong culture. This paper will be divided into two sections. The first section discusses the important role â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† plays as a part of Hong Kong’s lifestyle and how it reflects and contributes to the Hong Kong identity. In the second section 3 major characteristics of â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng†; their affordable prices, high efficiency in serving food and varieties of dishes offered will be discussed. â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† is a significant icon of Hong Kong lifestyle. Lots of Hong Kong people grew up with â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng†.It is a great place to hang out with friends and discuss current events. Furthermore, it is a good place to see the vicissitudes of life. It is true that â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† has an important cultural value in Hong Kong people’s mind. A survey has been conducted by Radio Television Hong Kong (2004) on the internet, 10 most representative elements of Hong Kong among 50 local characteristics. â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† received 1,930 votes, beating the old tram by 106 votes and gaining its place in top 10. This shows that â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† plays an important role in the cultural heritage of Hong Kong. At the same time, it contributes and reflects to local identity. The food provided by †Cha Chaan Teng† are economical. This is strongly related to its important role in early industrialization. It also reflects the characteristics of Hong Kong’s economic development. During early industrialization, most Hong Kong people were not rich and needed to work for a long period of time every day. They need to eat a large amount of food to gain energy for work. In order to attract more customers,†Cha Chaan Teng† started to lower the food price and increase the food portion. These alterations made†Cha Chaan Teng† become popular. Today, during lunch time, construction workers, truck drivers, as well as office staff also eat there because they find the prices are more affordable. According to the article by Crouch, O (2011) â€Å"there are thousands of these diner-style restaurants in Hong Kong and they are a unifying aspect of the island society, popular with all socio-economic backgrounds†. It means that different background of Hong Kong people like to go to this kind of Hong Kong style restaurant. It does not come from no reason. First of all, it is very convenient to the customer because it is easy to find them. Although â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† has developed almost for 70 years, the uniqueness of the Western and Eastern food style cannot be replaced by other restaurant. As we know, Hong Kong is called â€Å"Gourmet Paradise† as the food quality is really high and â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† also contributed to it. Meanwhile, the food prices are reasonably cheap. Therefore, many poverty people love to go there. The â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† continues to play an important role in the development of Hong Kong. It reflects and contributes to a Hong Kong identity. One of the reasons for the popularity of â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† is its efficiency. During the 1950s and 1960s, â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† became popular with Hong Kong’s booming industry and factory lifestyle, which led to changes in Hong Kong people’s lifestyle and needs. Since Hong Kong needed a large amount of labour force to boost the economy. Many women started to work in factories and the number of housewives decreased a lot. This meant that lots of women were too busy to cook and fewer families ate at home. To satisfy the needs of the general public, â€Å"Cha chaan Teng† started to focus on efficiency. Fast paced life-style is one of Hong Kong’s features, Workers often had only one hour lunch time, therefore the efficiency of restaurants is the main concern of workers rather than the taste of the food. So â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† created a perfect system which could improve the efficiency of food preparation. First, it adopts a high deg ree of division of labor. Also, the ingredients are well prepared before the restaurants open. â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† generally does not take tips, waiters write on the bill after customer order the food and then leaves the bill on the table. Customers only need to wait ten to fifteen minutes for the food and when they are finished, they will take their own bill to the cashier and pay. The whole process is very efficient. Meanwhile, most â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† provides a choice called â€Å"fast set†, which usually changes every single day. The features of these sets are that they are served quicker and at lower price when compared with other sets. This can help customers to save time on thinking what they want to order, ultimately reducing the time spent on waiting for food. Indeed, â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† was strongly influenced by early industrialization of Hong Kong and panders to it. Also, it creates a perfect system which can improve efficiency. In order to attract more customers and survive in the industry market, it continues to improve and prospers as a part of Hong Kong life-style. The wide variety of food that a â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† offers often shocks its customers. Not only does it provide Western and Chinese food but also fusion of Western and Eastern food. Hong Kong was a colony of Britain. The food culture of Chinese people and Western people are totally different. After World War II, Hong Kong was strongly influenced by Western lifestyle. However, Western food was only served in upper-class restaurants and was very expensive at that time. Only a small amount of Hong Kong people can afford it. Some Hong Kong people came up with an idea to combine the food culture of the East and West. At that time, â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† appeared. It preserved the food culture of Hong Kong and offered a variety of dishes to customers. The food provided by â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† is diversified; many of them were tailor-made to fit Hong Kong’s unique diet. These food features, in fact, were developed by different curious customers because â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† always adopt customers’ ideas and create these unique diets. Customers can also mix and match to choose the food they want. This allows more flexibility for the customers. That is why â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† can integrate different people’s need. In the past, the foods offered on the â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† menu were only some western or eastern dishes. As it became more popular, it started to develop a unique menu. The most typical example is milk tea, or in Cantonese naai cha. McLane, D(2008) said â€Å"If Hong Kong had an â€Å"official† drink, Milk Tea would be it: the thick, intense and creamy brew of black tea and evaporated milk, boiled and then strained through cloth†. It is for sure that many Hong Kong people love it so much. Another contribution to Hong Kong identity is that â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† helps promote tourism all over the world. Since there are some western dishes and unique food provided in â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng†, it manages to attract many tourists. Indeed, it becomes a characteristic of Hong Kong and helps to promote Hong Kong’s image as â€Å"Food paradise†. Indirectly, the economy of Hong Kong has been improved because of â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng†. The general public visit Hong Kong style restaurants frequently. Indeed, things will change as time passes, and â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† makes no exception. It kept improving to meet modern market demands. The most surprising thing is that it added some new elements while retaining its original flavor. In order to establish the â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† position in the international arena, Hong Kong political party China Democratic National Construction Association (2007) suggested that â€Å"Hong Kong style tea restaurant culture† should be declared as a â€Å"non-material cultural heritage of mankind† in order to establish Hong Kong’s international brand image and promote tourism development in Hong Kong. To sum up, â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† contains the collective memories of Hong Kong people and has witnessed the development of Hong Kong. Meanwhile, in order to get higher profit, it keeps changing to fit Hong Kong people’s life style and needs, for example, the design of the restaurant, menus and ingredients. Today, â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† is getting famous all over the world and can be found in many countries. However, the most traditional and original one still stands in Hong Kong. The â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† has become one of the major visiting spots for tourists. In additional, they are featured in many movies and TV dramas. It is absolutely part of the local populace of the best place to eat and drink. In fact, these restaurant features precisely reflect the spirit of people-orientation and values ​​- faster, to match changes and affordable prices. These are the reasons why â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng† still occupy a strong position in Hong Kong after so many years. References: China Democratic National Construction Association (2007). The new theme of traditional â€Å"Cha Chaan Teng†. chinapress http://www.chinapress.com.my/node/228021 – accessed 19 January 2012 Crouch, O. (2011, July 22) Cha Chaan Teng: Hong Kong’s Favorite Diners. ezinearticle http://ezinearticles.com/?Cha-Chaan-Teng:-Hong-Kongs-Favorite-Diners&id=6469027 – accessed 26 January 2012 Hall, S. (2000). Who needs identity? London: Sage. In S. Hall & P. du Gay (Eds.) Mclane, D. (2008, January 30) Comfort Food in Hong Kong. nytimes http://travel.nytimes.com/2008/01/30/travel/30webcomfort.html – accessed 15 January 2012 RTHK (2004) Top 10 of the most represent design of Hong Kong. Radio Television Hong Kong http://www.rthk.org.hk/press/chi/20040927_66_120120.html – accessed 1 Febuary

Wednesday, October 23, 2019

Health Insurance And Women Health And Social Care Essay

Globalization, economic growing in developing states, migration, outgrowth of pandemics and millenary development ends has shifted focal point towards wellness as ne'er before. ‘Health ‘ has now become one of the most debated dockets. Health as a ‘capital stock ‘ and ‘asset ‘ has been good established. Concentration on accomplishing a certain degree of wellness in the population which cohesively promotes national involvements and ends has lead many states to reform their Health systems consequently. Governments and Multi sidelong giver bureaus working for wellness are invariably seeking to run into the demands of quickly altering populations and their disease forms. â€Å" Health systems are complex establishments, profoundly influenced by cultural thoughts about wellness and unwellness, by historical experience and by societal construction. Health sector reform ( HSR ) theoretical accounts are themselves non without internal contradictions, and contain premises that may be debatable † . ( Maureen.M and Paula.T, 2004 ) â€Å" Health sector reform is an umbrella construct and refers to the procedures of institutional alteration that have swept through wellness systems and an analytical and practical model of proposals for institutional redesign of wellness attention proviso and public wellness † , ( Maureen.M and Paula.T, 2004 ) with an connotation to increase wellness systems efficiency in resource allotment, organisation and bringing of services, cost-effectiveness and equity. Community based wellness funding is portion of such wellness sector reforms which has promises of transforming the funding of wellness for the hapless. The induction towards Community funding strategies was based on community engagement techniques. This scheme for funding health care has been adapted in hapless communities of low /middle income states of Africa, Asia and Latin America. ( Christine Onyango, 2001, PAHO ) The chief docket of community funding is balanced on the impression that â€Å" the control of resources generated by the community, and the possibility that fiscal and nonfinancial resources generated by the strategy can be used to upgrade wellness services, supplement wellness worker wages, and guarantee a support watercourse to refill drugs and medical services – all which will oblige community members to utilize wellness services † . ( Christine Onyango, 2001, PAHO ) In the past decennaries it has caught up really good in in-between and low income states. Chiefly because this funding mechanism reaches the population groups that are in most demand of wellness attention and where the usual ways of market and public wellness funding are unable to make. This phenomenon has now evolved into assorted wellness funding instruments ( Hsiao 2001, Dror 1999 ) like micro insurance, community wellness financess, community based wellness insurance, common wellness organisations, rural wellness insurance, go arounding drug financess, community engagement in user fee direction etc. In this paper, we would merely refer to community organized voluntary wellness insurance, or community based wellness insurance ( CHI ) . â€Å" The term community-based wellness insurance refers to any not-for-profit insurance strategy that is aimed chiefly at the informal sector and formed on the footing of an moral principle of common assistance and the corporate pooling of wellness hazards, and in which the members participate in its direction. † ( Musau 1999 )[ 1 ] Though it has had its success in making its aims globally, it has its ain portion of restrictions refering to issues of socio economic and gender equity. This paper will turn to issues covering with gender sensitiveness and affects of such community wellness insurance strategies particularly on adult females. Methods: The paper is strictly descriptive in nature and is an result of secondary research based on assorted research and policy documents on community based funding mechanisms and gender equity. The literature has been studied to understand the mechanism of community based wellness insurance and critically analyse how it affected adult females ‘s lives after such insurance strategies came into image.Discussion:The paper would first show the context for growing of community wellness insurances and their present signifier of being. Then it would discourse about the impact of CHI ‘s on adult females.The context:Scarce economic resources for wellness in add-on to moo or modest economic growing which can non back up the of all time turning populations with basic criterions of life, present a menace to wellness of a state. Though the province attempts to supply basic wellness services for the hapless, the organizational capacity, inefficiency, deficiency of cognition on wellness among people makes it difficult for such systems to be adequately financed. This may give rise to a immense non governmental sector which tries to cover the spreads. The population that can pay signifiers a fertile land for the private markets ( without proper province ordinance ) which creates immense inequalities in entree and handiness in proviso of attention. The issues of low human resources in wellness, affordability, huge geographics, illiteracy, social unfairnesss lead to farther impairment of wellness attention seeking cognition and attitude. Economic inequality entirely increases the load of accessing wellness attention at the right clip and as stated â€Å" poorest 20 % of the population is 6 times less likely to seek inmate attention than the wealthiest † . ( M.Kent Ranson, 2006 ) Health funding mechanisms like decentralization, debut of market ordinances, user fees, and capitations played an of import function to make fiscal and proficient efficiency of wellness systems but could non increase entree and use of the system to full capacity. There was a famine of mechanisms which could make the basic wellness demands of population and still be expeditiously run without making a complex organizational bunch. Financing methods which would besiege organizational troubles of pooling, buying and proviso of services on a big graduated table were explored, including the direct engagement of communities in wellness funding foremost by little NGO ‘s and other charitable administrations. This was the beginning of CHI strategies.Community wellness insuranceCHI strategies are based on the payment of minimum premiums and pooling them to cover wellness attention costs of the payees. They are normally working in low-income populations, which may come from diverse communities covering nearby by small towns, towns, peculiar professions, microfinance organisations, adult females ‘s ego aid groups. They can be organized by NGO ‘s, Charitable trusts, professional organisations, community centres, wellness attention organis ations, or even by infirmaries which target the occupants environing their mark countries.These are voluntary insurance groups like the private voluntary insurance in a little graduated table but unlike the societal insurances or revenue enhancement based insurances which are compulsory. The plans that we see now are branched out of the common thought to supply wellness attention to the hapless in this high and ruinous wellness attention cost scenario. The failure of the authorities to supply quality wellness attention at low-cost monetary value is besides a cause and an drift for such inceptions to spouse with the authoritiess. Harmonizing to N. Devadasan et Al, in India, there are three basic theoretical accounts of forming a community based wellness insurance depending on who is the insurance company. The Type 1 or HMO design is organized by a infirmary, where it runs the insurance company and besides acts as the supplier of wellness services. In Type 2 or Insurer design, the CHI insurance company is a voluntary organisation and it purchases care from independent suppliers ( public or private ) . Type 3 takes a in-between way and is called â€Å" Intermediate design † , the voluntary organisation Acts of the Apostless like an agent and purchases insurance from the insurance company and attention from the suppliers. Most of the CHI ‘s usage this theoretical account. ( N Devadasan, Kent Ranson, Wim Van Damme, Bart Criel, 2004 ) .Similar theoretical accounts can be seen all over the universe with merely minor structural accommodations. The chief thought behind the organisational apparatus of any such strategy is to do better buying of wellness attention from the suppliers and guarantee fiscal security in wellness of the payees as proposed by the universe wellness study 2000, where strategic buying is defined as â€Å" a uninterrupted hunt for the best ways to maximise wellness system public presentation by make up one's minding which intercessions should be purchased, how, and from whom ‘ to assist turn to issues of equity and quality. â€Å" ( M.Kent Ranson, et al 2006 ) The impact of pre-payment strategies on equity and efficiency is related to use. These strategies tend to besides absorb solidarity, equity and efficiency through ( Tamara Braam, 2005 ) 1. Cross subsidisation from rich to hapless 2. They increase the entree to good quality attention ; 3. They are good suited to poorer, seasonal and freelance husbandmans 4. Prepayment and decentralized control over resources by communities additions efficiency and helps to right geographical unfairnesss in public outgos for wellnessWomans in CHI ‘sAs mentioned above community based wellness insurances have transformed lives in poorer subdivisions of society and brought about an of import institutional alteration. When it comes to adult females in peculiar, it is of import to determine that though their functions have been enhanced in societies, CHI ‘s have been gender insensitive and have n't catered to adult females ‘s wellness demands to a big extent. This subdivision would seek to set far ward both the benefits and restrictions of CHI ‘s every bit far as adult females are concerned. Understanding that poorness, gender, deficiency of societal and economic entitlements are interlinked ( Harcourt, 2000 ) to wellness of the population, many writers proposed gender function in community as an of import property of development and poorness decrease. Addressing the gender issues in community would convey about a sustainable alteration in all other development related facets. Authorization of adult females through community engagement, literacy, capacity edifice was emphasized to hold sustainable and healthy communities. Women ‘s function in CHI reached paramount importance particularly after the Community based plans succeeded to be the stepping rocks to heighten adult females ‘s function in the society. Through ego aid groups and micro recognition financing systems, concentration has shifted towards adult females as they were projected as more trust worthy and reliable. This proved to be a better chance for adult females to move in a new ambiance flexing the bing gender functions in the community to an extent. At this occasion it is of import to analyze that Gender is an of import factor which determines the public-service corporation of the wellness attention services, â€Å" in peculiar, the ability to exert their right to wellness † ( Tamara Braam, 2005 ) .It depends on assorted factors that arise due to Woman ‘s attributed gender function in the society from fiscal dependance, socio cultural marginalisation, bing determination doing powers in society to how they interact with the present wellness attention system ( functions of wellness forces, services provided, consideration of their wellness demands and demands, wellness literacy ) . Supporting this impression is grounds signifier from BI financing mechanism proposes that gender functions in societies play a really of import function and have deductions for just engagement particularly vulnerable groups like adult females due to existence of local hierarchies. ( Hissock 1990 ; WHO/UNICEF 1999 ) CHI ‘s involve adult females in two different ways harmonizing to their organisational design If the CHI is organized as portion of Micro -credit or adult females self help groups adult female is entitled as the authorised payee and participates in organisation of services and direction of the financess where she along with her household are covered. If CHI is organized on lines of professional groups/workers guild's/ family as a unit: Normally in hapless and patriarchal communities, work forces are workers and professionals and besides regarded as caput of the family and therefore authorized payee for the whole household. Womans of the family merely go a beneficiary. A adult female becomes an authorised payee if she is a professional, member of group or if she is the lone caput of the household. It is of import to observe that the impact of community wellness insurance differs as to which function adult female plays in the CHI. When Community based wellness insurance uses prevailing establishments such as adult females self help groups and microcredit funding organisations as a mark for their intercessions they empower adult females respects to their wellness and do a batch more good for adult females empowerment, promoting them to convey about a singular alteration in their lives, doing them self reliant and knowing in heightening their abilities to grok, analyze and implement programs. Puting an illustration for promoting adult females to take part in community wellness enterprises is SEWA an NGO in India. It proved that CHI can be organized expeditiously by the hapless themselves and largely led by adult females. Womans from brotherhoods, co-ops, self-help groups ( SHGs ) and their associations, mahila mandals, recognition societies, female parents ‘ groups, young person nines, community-based organisations and others were successful in making so in 14 old ages of SEWA ‘s experience. Today â€Å" Lok Swasthya † a flagship community wellness insurance strategy of SEWA has 500 podium ( female wellness workers ) , wellness workers and public wellness professionals as its stockholders. With a turnover of over one crore rupees, it is a little but autonomous attempt, covering all its costs including a squad of 50 full-time staff and 200 parttime wellness workers. Mirai chaterjee ( sewa ) It is the function of adult females who are portion CHI to do all facets of the strategy gender sensitive and convey about a difference to adult females ‘s wellness particularly as it has been neglected for long. This would be wholly true if ideally all these adult females participate and make usage of their determination doing power to heighten their wellness services. But adult females ‘s playing a cardinal and meaningful function in CHI is non unvarying all over. Harmonizing to WEDO ( 1998 ) study â€Å" though many community wellness commissions had been formed in Mali since the Cairo conference, few adult females participated actively and on these – merely 12.9 % of commission members were adult females in 1996, and about bulk had minor functions and/or few cardinal duties † . Sometimes we tend to overlook that these adult females may be bound to their social gender functions and hierarchies and tend to move in a manner which marginalizes their wellness demands for their households. Deciding on stripling preventive services, can be one slippery state of affairs where adult females would n't see it portion of the benefit bundle due to social norms. Besides the premise that adult females are financially independent and transform their bing gender functions as they become wealth generators when community wellness insurance is provided based on micro recognition plans or self help groups is problematic. How far this wealth coevals decreases the gender hierarchy in the household is overlooked. A adult female can still prolong the hierarchy due to beliefs and civilization or social force per unit area. It may besides be a instance that merely â€Å" adult females ‘s hard currency incomes rise, duty for paying instruction and wellness fees shifts off from work forces to adult females † ( CEEWA, 1995 ) .Taking a note from Dwyer and Bruce, 1985 and speak uping that non much has changed in male laterality in families in determination devising power about monthly outgos no affair who earns, it is profound that this deeply-entrenched job can non do adult females independent by simple proviso of relevant services. It can besid es be observed that a rise in hard currency employment for adult females brought greater liberty within the household but at the cost increasing their loads, at place and besides in the community go forthing them with no proper attention of their ain wellness. On the other manus, for the adult females who are merely donees of the community wellness insurances, CHI ‘s can be credited to hold brought about acknowledgment of synergic impact between wellness and economic activities and distributing consciousness about ways of making chances to assist themselves. They have tried to absorb a cognition seeking behaviour, addition in wellness literacy, engagement in wellness publicity and disease bar, altering attitudes and beliefs about most of the diseases and consciousness about civil society and their function in socio-political establishments etc. It can non be stated that these alterations reach all the adult females ; it is fundamentally dependent on execution and use of these plans within the bing social gender model. The use of Health services depends on entree, affordability and acceptableness. CHI ‘s have dealt with all the three at one go more significantly when adult females ‘s wellness is concerned. Many Empirical surveies concluded in a positive note that creative activity of community insurance strategies increased the usage of medical services which reduced the ailment wellness, disease and mortality among adult females. Keeping in head the nature of gender functions and their impact on ingestion of services, Arhin ( 1994 ) opines that community wellness insurance strategies, which were prepayment based are more helpful for adult females. Her survey in Burundi, found that adult females enrolled in such strategies had more entree to wellness attention than the uninsured. The chief ground was the prepayment strategy provided cashless intervention installations which co-relate with the findings that adult females have less entree to hard currency in the family. Criel et Al ( 1999 ) studied the Bwamanda infirmary insurance strategy which was working from 1980 ‘s in Congo. They found that obstetric infirmary services were utilized more among the insured than the uninsured adult females. There was a immense spread between the Caesarean subdivisions among the insured and the uninsured which strongly correlated with their determination that the ascertained shortage in Caesarean subdivisions has led to a figure of obstetrical catastrophes in the noninsured population.Another illustration is a survey by Diop et Al ( 1995 ) who studied an experimental undertaking to present â€Å" cost recovery mechanisms † in three wellness territories of Niger. It was noticed that the territory with community financing + fee-per-illness episode theoretical account, showed a important addition in use of wellness services among adult females from 15.5 % to 20.3 % , whereas it decreased somewhat but non significantly in the fee-per episode territory ( from 14.4 % to 13. 4 % ) and decreased significantly in the control territory ( from 10.5 % to 6.2 % ) Engagement in some sort of community funding strategy has deductions for wellness services use for generative wellness. Noterman et Al ‘s ( 1995 ) experiment affecting the debut of a prepayment strategy in Masisi territory where subscription units every bit good as fee degrees were varied found that adult females enrolled in the prepayment program were about 5 times every bit likely to give birth in the infirmary as non-subscribers. However, when the unit of subscription was changed to the household instead than the single, there was less discriminatory choice and there was small difference between the adult females and work forces in footings of use. ( paho ) Women addition well by cashless payments in prepayment strategies. Many writers take a stance that this allows adult females non to trust on their spouses for fiscal resources in wellness. It is accepted to an extent, as it may Increase o utpatient section visits of adult females, the first degree of attention seeking, but the sarcasm is some of the community based wellness attention plans do non cover these outpatient services or have a capping to restrict figure of visits. This becomes once more an added hindrance to adult females if the gender hierarchy in family gives work forces more penchant. There is besides another interesting facet to increased visits of adult females to wellness centres if they are involved with CHI ‘s. Hillary standing found that among the insured adult females bulk of them came to seek wellness attention for kids than for themselves which demystifies that every visit of a adult females for wellness attention use may non be for her ain wellness jobs. ( Hillary standing ) Among scheme members, execution jobs are likely to disproportionately affect adult females members. Normally the determination shapers are work forces in CHI ‘s non based on adult females self help groups due t o their attributed gender function, taking to a patriarchal influence in determination devising and marginalisation of adult females ‘s wellness services. Exceptionally if adult females are involved, there are more opportunities that they besides continue to suggest determinations in line with the sensed gender hierarchy in the community. A recent appraisal of one CHF in Tanzania showed that members were incognizant of some of the benefits they were entitled to such as referral to a infirmary. This could hold black effects for illustration in instances of adult females with complicated gestations in demand of hospital degree attention but with no out of pocket hard currency. â€Å" . ( Maureen Mackintosh & A ; Paula Tibandebage, UNRISD 2004 ) The credibleness of community-based strategies continues to be arguable in many stances, particularly their really low rates of engagement. For illustration, in Tanzania a strategy started in 1998 had merely, a engagement rate of merely about three per centum by November 2003. Other studies besides show similar strategies in other territories with engagement rates of less than 10 per centum ( Tibandebage, 2004 ) . Similar forms are seen in other developing states ( Stick outing and Tine, 2000 ) . In India by 2005, 51 micro insurance strategies covered 5.1 million people and among them merely 60 % offered community wellness insurance which is comparatively meagre when compared the hapless in India.One of the chief grounds for low engagement has been the degree of poorness and the inability to pay to back up wellness services. Sing that community based wellness insurance run on a prepayment footing as discussed already, the most vulnerable do n't come in to the image at all if they can non pay. Womans in such families are still unaccessible for any sort of wellness intercessions. In Bangladesh, during the execution of Women ‘s authorization through employment and wellness ( WEEH ) undertaking it was hard to make the poorer pockets of hapless adult females and autochthonal people as some of them were non even in a place to purchase a policy card. In such fortunes, the challenge is the â€Å" inclusion of exclusion † . ( Dil Prasad and Lisa wong,2005 ) â€Å" From the gender equity point of position, really low rank Numberss in community-based strategies is likely to disproportionately affect adult females. This is both in footings of being less able than work forces to afford out of pocket payments at the clip of unwellness, and besides because adult females are likely to hold more wellness demands † . ( Maureen Mackintosh & A ; Paula Tibandebage, UNRISD 2004 ) . CHI ‘s are based in the community and instead reflect than attempt to turn to the bing inequalities present in the community. Sing the definition of equity in wellness as â€Å" the absence of systematic disparities in wellness ( or in the major societal determiners of wellness ) between groups with different degrees of underlying societal advantage/disadvantage-that is, wealth, power, or prestigiousness † ( P Braveman, S Gruskin,2003 ) , community wellness insurances fail to turn to the specific issues of the socio-economically disadvantaged and adult females. Rights based attack in wellness takes into consideration the already bing gender inequalities in the societies and how any intercessions in wellness attention affect these dealingss.